It’s onerous to consider it now, however once upon a time, about 40 years in the past, 2,000 delegates (all however six, ladies) and more than 15,000 spectators descended on Houston, the location of the primary ever Nationwide Ladies’s Conference, a federally funded four-day convention created to convey American ladies collectively to figure out what the federal government might do to enhance their lives.
Everyone was there. Famed tennis player Billie Jean King helped carry a torch that had been lit in Seneca Falls, New York, the situation of the primary ladies’s rights convention within the U.S., held in 1848. Attendee Maya Angelou wrote a poem, “To Type a Extra Good Union,” that hundreds signed and introduced to First Woman Rosalynn Carter and former First Women Betty Ford and Woman Fowl Johnson. Barbara Jordan, who had grown up in Houston and, just 4 years earlier than, turn out to be the first African-American lady from the South elected to the U.S. House of Representatives, opened the convention with a rousing keynote handle. Additionally current was anthropologist Margaret Mead, who declared that the convention was going to vary the lives of girls, the destiny of the nation, and, probably, the world.
But issues didn’t play out that means. Houston was chosen to host the conference because it was one of many solely cities in the nation that had created a position for a ladies’s advocate to observe over feminine pursuits in city enterprise. Nevertheless, the town’s second advocate, Nikki Van Hightower, was pushed out of her place—the all-male Houston City Council reduce her wage to a single greenback invoice before eliminating the place solely—shortly after Houston’s choice was announced.
When the convention opened at the Sam Houston Coliseum on November 18, 1977, metropolis officials offered regulation enforcement and other primary providers required for such a large occasion, but they weren’t precisely welcoming.
I was in awe. I really felt this was the beginning of a brand new political get together. It didn’t end up that means.
As delegates and spectators crammed themselves into overbooked motels throughout the town, a Harris County Republican official complained that the convention was bringing “a gaggle of outcasts, misfits and rejects to Houston.” Then–Gov. Dolph Briscoe went one higher, responding to conservative pleas to take a stance towards the ladies’s movement by declaring the week of the conference Household Week in Texas. Meanwhile, other conservatives ran advertisements within the local newspapers attacking the push for lesbian rights.
Nonetheless, convention attendees have been virtually giddy as they acquired right down to work caucusing and deliberating over the varied positions and proposals they have been contemplating—the primary activity of the delegates was formulating a Nationwide Plan of Action that might assist promote equality between U.S. men and women. Fiery discussions ensued over the whole lot from child-care funding to sexual orientation, the nuclear household, schooling for the disabled, rights for ladies who have been minorities, disabled and ageing, reproductive freedom, the Equal Rights Modification, even nuclear disarmament. Audio system included the chairwoman of the Equal Employment Opportunity Fee and the assistant secretary of the USA Department of Commerce.
While delegates have been duking it out over their ultimate report back to President Jimmy Carter’s administration, hundreds have been gathering throughout town on the Astro Area for the Professional-Life, Professional-Family Rally, an alternate convention organized by ardent conservative Phyllis Schlafly.
Schlafly, a rigorously quaffed blond who’d spent the early ’60s supporting Barry Goldwater earlier than training her laser concentrate on opposing the Equal Rights Amendment, originally tried to stop the convention from occurring at all. When she found it was unimaginable—the legally mandated occasion was the top result of a push to give attention to ladies’s rights that had been supported by each Presidents Ford and Carter, and Congress had already offered $5 million in federal funding—she determined to collect together conservative and far-right Christian teams. In a masterstroke, she encouraged them to ignore their differences and concentrate on what that they had in widespread, which was the various things they all opposed: feminism, abortion rights, the ratification of the Equal Rights Amendment, and any acceptance of homosexuality.
On one aspect of Houston, ladies have been participating in debates, spontaneous bursts of music, and lectures on self-defense and consciousness raising. On the other, Schlafly started things off by thanking her husband for allowing her to be there, profitable a roar of approval from the 15,000 or so people who’d gathered to hear her converse. When the women’s motion began out, it had crossed events, class, race and sexual orientation, but clearly, a divide was opening up. Schlafly took full advantage of the chance.
“It was a second of super hope, but one that was already being truncated by the truth of the occasions,” Nancy Beck Younger, UH historical past professor, says of the gathering at the moment.
The conference had risen out of the progressive motion, stemming from religion in the means of the federal government to change society for the better. But by 1977, that conviction had been corroded by the Watergate Scandal, the lack of the Vietnam Struggle, and a struggling financial system. “For a motion to actually have an opportunity of being carried out, you want an expansive, highly effective authorities the place the citizenry believes within the authorities’s means to do good issues and to enhance their lives,” Younger says. “But by the late ’70s, the federal government was not increasing or taking the strategy that led to FDR’s New Deal and LBJ’s Great Society, and the public’s belief had been severely shaken by Vietnam, by a president who lied.”
Even inside the convention itself there were clashes, as Martha Cotera, longtime activist and member of the Texas delegation, remembers. Cotera was already wary getting into, involved that organizers’ all-embracing strategy, taken to collect together delegates from all 50 states and 6 U.S. territories, was going to permit conservative attendees to block the conference from taking a stand on issues like abortion. “I feel they needed to be very inclusive, but they didn’t understand that not everyone would have the same motivations and that a few of these ladies have been there to vote us down. You’re not going to ask a rattlesnake into your own home because you need to be inclusive of all animals,” Cotera says now. “We couldn’t make them perceive that.”
They gained and we misplaced, and you may see that in how things at the moment are.
Because the weekend unfolded, the event devolved from an initial lovefest, full with conference chairwoman Bella Abzug blowing kisses as she bid the delegates goodnight, into bitter arguments that Abzug struggled to keep control from her seat on the dais.
Melba Tolliver, a TV reporter from New York who coated the conference for NBC, was convinced she was witnessing historical past, proceedings that may be remembered the best way the March on Washington and the Apollo 11 moon touchdown have been already being commemorated. “I used to be in awe. I actually felt this was the start of a new political social gathering,” she says. “It didn’t end up that approach.”
Finally the conference delegates cobbled collectively a platform with 26 planks, every detailing issues the federal authorities ought to work on. However that they had missed the window. The plan and the report, “The Spirit of Houston,” have been submitted to the Carter administration in March 1978, however nothing was finished and little was heard of it afterward.
Why? Marjorie Spruill, writer of Divided We Stand: The Battle Over Ladies’s Rights and American Values That Divided a Nation, explains that whereas the convention united feminists from throughout the ideological spectrum and from all walks of life, it was not the start of something greater. In the meantime, the other happened on the conservative aspect. “Before Houston, the spiritual right was divided, as a result of everybody was making an attempt to win for their very own faith, primarily. But Phyllis made it clear you didn’t need to agree on every part, that that they had more reasons to unite than to stay divided,” Spruill says. “Houston built their confidence. Once they noticed how impassioned individuals have been and that folks have been coming from everywhere in the country to help these ideas, they realized that if they only hung collectively, they might develop into a real political pressure.”
Spruill contends that that Houston weekend, held two years before televangelist Jerry Falwell based the Ethical Majority political motion committee, was the true birthplace of the Christian right and its affect over the GOP. As for Schlafly, she remained a pressure to be reckoned with, helping to safe the 1980 Republican presidential nomination for Ronald Reagan and, many years later, shortly earlier than her demise, convey the Christian right around to Donald Trump.
Last yr, Gloria Steinem attended a two-day reunion convention at UH, an occasion commemorating the conference, which her magazine, Ms., had described as “4 days that changed the world” again within the afterglow 40 years ago. However beyond a couple of local news tales, the reunion was barely a blip on Houston’s radar, and acquired no nationwide protection to talk of. Steinem now describes Houston as “crucial occasion that no one is aware of about,” based on The New Yorker.
“They gained, actually. We knew Phyllis Schlafly was going to attempt to disrupt the conference, and we anticipated that ladies within the conference would stage a walkout—none of that was a surprise,” Cotera says. “The only factor we didn’t anticipate, on reflection, is how profitable ladies like Phyllis Schlafly have been after the conference in defeating the women’s agenda. They helped the Republicans get power and eroded equality over the subsequent three many years. They gained and we misplaced, and you may see that in how things at the moment are.”